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Riots Reveal Organized Crime Power in Brazil

Last weekend, Brazilians living in thethat the security sector here has a long way
greater Sao Paulo metropolitan area witnessedto go before it has any significant control
one of the country's largest prison riots inover organized crime. These rebellions also
the past five years, organized andhighlight the superior communication networks
orchestrated by Sao Paulo's largest criminaloperated by Brazilian organized crime.
faction, the First Capital Command (PCC inCommunication is fundamental When Fernandinho
Portuguese).When Sao Paulo state authoritiesBeira-Mar was transferred from his prison
transferred some 756 PCC leaders, the PCCcell in Rio de Janeiro after he orchestrated
criminal enterprise, led by Willians Herbasa prison riot there in September 2002 to mask
Camacho (a.k.a. Marcola), implemented itsthe assassination of rival gang leaders,
plan to start riots in dozens of prisons inauthorities found a number of luxury items
Sao Paulo and around the country. They tookincluding silk pajamas. But what surprised
advantage of the unusually lax securitythem more was the number of abandoned cell
environment over the weekend when some 10,000phones. Reports from Rio de Janeiro daily, O
prisoners were given a day pass to visitGlobo, claim that Beira-Mar used up to a
families on the outside for Mother's Day, anddozen cell phones to communicate with
thousands more civilians entered prisons tolieutenants and other subordinates in his
visit inmates on the inside.As one prisonblack market network of guns and drugs
after another fell under the control ofshipments and sales.In a similar fashion,
rioting inmates, the hostage count rocketedleaders of the PCC use cell phones to
into the hundreds. Meanwhile, organizedcommunicate with one another between prisons
attacks on police stations around Sao Pauloand between prisoners and gang members on the
kept security forces busy defendingoutside. Both the Civil Police and the
themselves. At the same time, masked gunmenFederal Police operate listening posts, which
commandeered city buses, ordering themenable security officials to piece together
evacuated before burning them to theactionable intelligence on plans for
ground.The weekend's total included over 250rebellions and other gang operations.
separate attacks on police stations, stores,However, the use of two-way radios has made
and other establishments. There were 115that task much more difficult.In both Rio and
people killed, including 32 policemen andSao Paulo, two-way radios are used by
prison guards and 71 gang members. Another 49criminals to relay messages to other
people were injured. Some 215 hostages wereincarcerated gang members and members on the
taken in 73 prison riots that occurred inoutside. In some cases, one prisoner calls
prisons across Sao Paulo, Parana, Mattovia cell a subordinate on the outside who
Grosso do Sul, Brasilia, and Bahia, accordinguses a two-way radio to transmit the message
to Brazilian daily Folha de Sao Paulo. Overto a third individual who then uses another
80 public transport buses were burned and onecell phone to pass along the message to its
metro station was attacked, leaving over fiverecipient in another prison, reports O Globo.
million people without public transport. OnEach node on the communications chain may use
15 May, as millions of people fled home inany number of cell phones or two-way radios,
the early afternoon, Sao Paulo became a citymaking tracking the signals very
of gridlock spanning 203 kilometers ofdifficult.Attempts to block cell phone
roadways.Over the weekend, as the violencesignals in Rio and Sao Paulo have been
raged on, Brazilian Justice Minister Marcioineffective.In the middle of the Mother's Day
Thomas Bastos offered the service of 4,000weekend riots, requests to shut down cell
soldiers, part of a National Force trained tophone towers used by criminals to relay
help contain the security problems insignals were presented to Brazil's
Brazilian states. But Sao Paulo Governortelecommunications regulatory body when Marco
Claudio Lembo, filling in for presidentialAntonio Desgualdo, the head of the Sao Paulo
candidate Geraldo Alckmin, refused to acceptstate Civil Police, met with this body,
federal help. Bastos made the trip fromcalled Anatel, on 15 May. The Folha de Sao
Brasilia to Sao Paulo to again offer federalPaulo reported that after the meeting
assistance during a close-door meeting onDesgualdo announced that authorities would
Monday, 15 May. But again it was refused.Bynot be able to shut down cell towers without
16 May, as quickly as the violence hadthe acquiescence of telecommunications
started, it ended, and most prisons were backcompanies.These same companies - Vivo, Tim,
in the control of state authorities, andTelefonica, Embratel, and Nextel - complain
policemen were no longer the target of randomthat shutting down the towers would mean an
attacks. The Sao Paulo daily newspaper, Ounacceptable disruption of service for their
Estado de Sao Paulo, reported on 16 May thatlaw-abiding clients. Nothing short of a court
the state government had reached an agreementorder would shut down the towers, a legal
with the PCC. Government officials continueinstrument that takes too long to obtain.In
to deny that claim, but it is possible suchsome prison systems, cell phone signal
negotiations were a last-resort option forblockers are used, but they are quickly
state officials clearly caught off guard by arendered obsolete by the rapid pace of
highly organized criminal network, one manytechnological advancement in cell phone
believed had been dismantled years ago.systems.The battle between Sao Paulo
Brazilian organized crime The PCC began toauthorities and the cell phone companies to
take shape in 1993, when prisonersshut down towers in the event of security
incarcerated in Taubate state prison in Saoneeds began in February 2001, when PCC
Paulo organized themselves to fight againstmembers used cell phones to orchestrate
deplorable living conditions and more rightssimultaneous riots in 29 prisons across Sao
within the prison system. Over the past 13Paulo. Security officials failed to win the
years, this organization has grown into onebattle then, too, but no one knew that such
of the country's most powerful prisondecisions five years ago would eventually
criminal networks, controlling activityfacilitate the most violent uprising of
within dozens of prisons in Sao Paulo andBrazilian organized crime in years.
around the country, as well as importantCorruption and politics Even as blocking cell
sales points and transport routes for drugssignals and other methods to impede
and guns flowing into Brazil from sourcecommunication between criminals evolves into
countries such as Paraguay, Bolivia,what may become a viable solution, many
Colombia, and Suriname.The PCC became morebelieve that such time is wasted on treating
active outside prisons in 1999, when Rio'sa problem that is not central to the real
top criminal organization - the Red Commandreason why the PCC was able to orchestrate
(CV in Portuguese) - formed an alliance withsuch a widespread reign of disorder and
PCC members who lived in Heliopolis, arebellion. Corruption and politics, two of
shantytown located in the southeastern zonethe usual suspects behind systemic
of Sao Paulo, according to a Rio de Janeirodysfunction in democracies, are at the center
Federal Police officer who asked to remainof Brazil's security problems.Bribes paid to
anonymous. Through this alliance, the CVsecurity officials at all levels keep leaders
sought to shift some of its drug traffickingof the PCC and the CV well informed of
activities from Rio de Janeiro to Sao Paulo.official planning. When authorities planned
In Rio, CV leaders had been constantlyto move over 700 of the PCC leaders to a more
harassed by police who exacted an extortionsecure prison environment to avoid what they
tax for allowing favelas (shantytowns) to belearned was a planned Mother's Day rebellion,
used as drug sales centers and contrabandthe PCC reacted by launching its rebellion
transshipment points. Additionally, the PCCtwo days early, disrupting the prisoner
in 1999 was a large criminal organizationtransport and a host of other activities
with more manpower than economic activity.planned to prevent the rebellion.Low salaries
Its alliance with the CV increased earningsexacerbate corruption because policemen and
for the PCC in Sao Paulo, while opening a newsome lower-ranking members of the military
pool of man power for the CV to defend itsare more likely to sell weapons from poorly
turf from rival gangs in Rio deorganized stock piles to make ends meet. Over
Janeiro.Together, the two gangs control the70 per cent of the weapons used by Brazilian
drug trade in Brazil's two largest cities.organized crime were made in Brazil. Many of
They operate gun smuggling routes out ofthem are sold to Paraguay where they enter
Paraguay and purchase weapons from corruptthe black market before returning to Brazil.
policemen and military soldiers in Sao PauloYet a significant amount are sold to
and Rio. High-level members of these gangs,criminals directly from stockpiles of seized
especially the CV, continue to conduct aweapons.When budgets must be prepared,
weapons-for-cocaine barter with members ofpolitics dictate who gets what slice of the
the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces ofpie. From 2004 to 2005, the Brazilian federal
Colombia (FARC) based in the Colombiangovernment reduced resources for the
Amazon.As recently as 30 April, threecountry's Penitentiary Fund by 37 per cent.
Colombians opened fire on a Brazilian patrolThis fund oversees the overall improvement
on the Rio Negro, a branch of the Amazonand maintenance of Brazil's prison system.
river that begins in an area of the ColombianMeanwhile, the government of Sao Paulo state
Amazon reportedly controlled by the FARC.diverted from public security spending some
Brazilian authorities claim that the riflesUS$81.3 million in the last five years. It
were stamped with the Brazilian military coatwas a decision in the reduction of security
of arms. The men were followed to thespending at the Sao Paulo state level that
Colombian city of San Felipe, where theirwas likely made after the 2001 prison riots
arms were confiscated. Brazilian Federalin that state.Commenting on the event,
Police investigators told ISN Security WatchBrazilian President Luiz Inacio
that they believe the arms were part of a"Lula" da Silva said it was a
cache of weapons to be traded for cocainedemonstration of the power of organized crime
that traffickers would transport to Sao Pauloin Brazil. His comments underline the fact
and Rio.Red Command leader Fernandinhothat Brazilian organized crime is a force
Beira-Mar is considered to have been one ofthat has grown to threaten Brazilian cities
the first Brazilian criminals to tradeas well as the nation. With links to
weapons for cocaine with the FARC. He wasorganized crime in Paraguay and Suriname, and
arrested by Colombian authorities in Aprila thriving barter system with Colombia's FARC
2001 and immediately extradited to Brazil.soldiers, the PCC and CV may soon become
Yet the recent incident on theinternationally known as a criminal network
Brazilian-Colombian border in the Amazonthat has grown too big for Brazil's security
indicates that five years later, thissystem to handle.Sam Logan ( is an
criminal exchange program still continues toinvestigative journalist who has reported on
supply the CV and the PCC with pure,security, energy, politics, economics,
Colombian cocaine.Brazilian organized crimeorganized crime, terrorism, and black markets
is just as powerful within the prison systemin Latin America since 1999. He is currently
as it is on the outside. And as the battlecompleting his work on Nice Guys Die First, a
continues to dismantle these criminalforthcoming non-fiction narrative about
networks, the occasional mega-rebellionorganized crime in Brazil.
reminds Brazilian authorities and civilians



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